Interest rate cap and floor

An interest rate cap is a derivative in which
the buyer receives payments at the end of each period in which the interest rate exceeds
the agreed strike price. An example of a cap would be an agreement to receive a payment
for each month the LIBOR rate exceeds 2.5%. Similarly an interest rate floor is a derivative
contract in which the buyer receives payments at the end of each period in which the interest
rate is below the agreed strike price. Caps and floors can be used to hedge against
interest rate fluctuations. For example a borrower who is paying the LIBOR rate on a
loan can protect himself against a rise in rates by buying a cap at 2.5%. If the interest
rate exceeds 2.5% in a given period the payment received from the derivative can be used to
help make the interest payment for that period, thus the interest payments are effectively
“capped” at 2.5% from the borrowers point of view. Interest rate cap
An interest rate cap is a derivative in which the buyer receives payments at the end of
each period in which the interest rate exceeds the agreed strike price. An example of a cap
would be an agreement to receive a payment for each month the LIBOR rate exceeds 2.5%.
The interest rate cap can be analyzed as a series of European call options or caplets
which exist for each period the cap agreement is in existence.
In mathematical terms, a caplet payoff on a rate L struck at K is where N is the notional value exchanged and
is the day count fraction corresponding to the period to which L applies. For example
suppose you own a caplet on the six month USD LIBOR rate with an expiry of 1 February
2007 struck at 2.5% with a notional of 1 million dollars. Then if the USD LIBOR rate sets at
3% on 1 February you receive Customarily the payment is made at the end
of the rate period, in this case on 1 August. Interest rate floor
An interest rate floor is a series of European put options or floorlets on a specified reference
rate, usually LIBOR. The buyer of the floor receives money if on the maturity of any of
the floorlets, the reference rate is below the agreed strike price of the floor.
Valuation of interest rate caps Black model
The simplest and most common valuation of interest rate caplets is via the Black model.
Under this model we assume that the underlying rate is distributed log-normally with volatility
. Under this model, a caplet on a LIBOR expiring at t and paying at T has present value where
P(0,T) is today’s discount factor for T F is the forward price of the rate. For LIBOR
rates this is equal to K is the strike
N is the standard normal CDF. and Notice that there is a one-to-one mapping
between the volatility and the present value of the option. Because all the other terms
arising in the equation are indisputable, there is no ambiguity in quoting the price
of a caplet simply by quoting its volatility. This is what happens in the market. The volatility
is known as the “Black vol” or implied vol. As a bond put
It can be shown that a cap on a LIBOR from t to T is equivalent to a multiple of a t-expiry
put on a T-maturity bond. Thus if we have an interest rate model in which we are able
to value bond puts, we can value interest rate caps. Similarly a floor is equivalent
to a certain bond call. Several popular short rate models, such as the Hull-White model
have this degree of tractability. Thus we can value caps and floors in those models..
What about Collars? Interest rate collar
…the simultaneous purchase of an interest rate cap and sale of an interest rate floor
on the same index for the same maturity and notional principal amount.
The cap rate is set above the floor rate. The objective of the buyer of a collar is
to protect against rising interest rates. The purchase of the cap protects against rising
rates while the sale of the floor generates premium income.
A collar creates a band within which the buyer’s effective interest rate fluctuates
And Reverse Collars? …buying an interest rate floor and simultaneously
selling an interest rate cap. The objective is to protect the bank from
falling interest rates. The buyer selects the index rate and matches
the maturity and notional principal amounts for the floor and cap.
Buyers can construct zero cost reverse collars when it is possible to find floor and cap
rates with the same premiums that provide an acceptable band.
The size of cap and floor premiums are determined by a wide range of factors
The relationship between the strike rate and the prevailing 3-month LIBOR
premiums are highest for in the money options and lower for at the money and out of the
money options Premiums increase with maturity.
The option seller must be compensated more for committing to a fixed-rate for a longer
period of time. Prevailing economic conditions, the shape
of the yield curve, and the volatility of interest rates.
upsloping yield curve—caps will be more expensive than floors.
the steeper is the slope of the yield curve, ceteris paribus, the greater are the cap premiums.
floor premiums reveal the opposite relationship. Valuation of CMS Caps
Caps based on an underlying rateLIBOR cannot be valued using simple techniques described
above. The methodology for valuation of CMS Caps and Floors can be referenced in more
advanced papers. Implied Volatilities
An important consideration is cap and floor volatilities. Caps consist of caplets with
volatilities dependent on the corresponding forward LIBOR rate. But caps can also be represented
by a “flat volatility”, so the net of the caplets still comes out to be the same. →
So one cap can be priced at one vol. Another important relationship is that if
the fixed swap rate is equal to the strike of the caps and floors, then we have the following
put-call parity: Cap-Floor=Swap. Caps and floors have the same implied vol
too for a given strike. Imagine a cap with 20% vol and floor with
30% vol. Long cap, short floor gives a swap with no vol. Now, interchange the vols. Cap
price goes up, floor price goes down. But the net price of the swap is unchanged. So,
if a cap has x vol, floor is forced to have x vol else you have arbitrage. A Cap at strike 0% equals the price of a floating
leg regardless of volatility cap. Interest rate caps and their impact on financial
inclusion Research was conducted after Zambia reopened
an old debate on a lending rate ceiling for banks and other financial institutions. The
issue originally came to the fore during the financial liberalisations of the 1990s and
again as microfinance increased in prominence with the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to
Muhammad Yunus and Grameen Bank in 2006. It was over the appropriateness of regulatory
intervention to limit the charging of rates that are deemed, by policymakers, to be excessively
high. A 2013 research paper asked
Where are interest rate caps currently used, and where have they been used historically?
What have been the impacts of interest rate caps, particularly on expanding access to
financial services? What are the alternatives to interest rate
caps in reducing spreads in financial markets? Understanding the composition of the interest
rate The researcher decided that to assess the
appropriateness of an interest rate cap as a policy instrument,, it was vital to consider
what exactly makes up the interest rate and how banks and MFIs are able to justify rates
that might be considered excessive. He found broadly there were four components
to the interest rate:- Cost of funds
The overheads Non performing loans
Profit Cost of funds
The cost of funds is the amount that the financial institution must pay to borrow the funds that
it then lends out. For a commercial bank or deposit taking microfinance institutions this
is usually the interest that it gives on deposits. For other institutions it could be the cost
of wholesale funds, or a subsidised rate for credit provided by government or donors. Other
MFIs might have very cheap funds from charitable contributions.
The overheads The overheads reflect three broad categories
of cost. Outreach costs – the expansion of a network
or development of new products and services must also be funded by the interest rate margin
Processing costs – is the cost of credit processing and loan assessment, which is an increasing
function of the degree of information asymmetry General overheads- general administration
and overheads associated with running a network of offices and branches
The overheads, and in particular the processing costs can drive the price differential between
larger loans from banks and smaller loans from MFIs. Overheads can vary significantly
between lenders and measuring overheads as a ratio of loans made is an indicator of institutional
efficiency. Non performing loans
Lenders must absorb the cost of bad debts and write them off in the rate that they charge.
This allowance for non-performing loans means lenders with effective credit screening processes
should be able to bring down rates in future periods, while reckless lenders will be penalised.
Profit Lenders will include a profit margin that
again varies considerably between institutions. Banks and commercial MFIs with shareholders
to satisfy are under greater pressure to make profits than NGO or not-for-profit MFIs.
The rationale behind interest rate caps Interest rate caps are used by governments
for political and economic reasons, most commonly to provide support to a specific industry
or area of the economy. Government may have identified what it considers being a market
failure in an industry, or is attempting to force a greater focus of financial resources
on that sector than the market would determine. Loans to the agricultural sector to boost
agricultural productivity as in Bangladesh. Loans to credit constrained SMEs as in Zambia.
The researcher found it is also often argued that interest rate ceilings can be justified
on the basis that financial institutions are making excessive profits by charging exorbitant
interest rates to clients. This is the usury argument and is essentially one of market
failure where government intervention is required to protect vulnerable clients from predatory
lending practices. The argument, predicated on an assumption that demand for credit at
higher rates is price inelastic, postulates financial institutions are able to exploit
information asymmetry, and in some cases short run monopoly market power, to the detriment
of client welfare. Aggressive collection practices for non-payment of loans have exacerbated
the image of certain lenders. The researcher says that economic theory suggests
market imperfections will result from information asymmetry and the inability of lenders to
differentiate between safe and risky borrowers. When making a credit decision, a bank or a
microfinance institution cannot fully identify a client’s potential for repayment.
Two fundamental issues arise: Adverse selection – clients that are demonstrably
lower risk are likely to have already received some form of credit. Those that remain will
either be higher risk, or lower risk but unable to prove it. Unable to differentiate, the
bank will charge an aggregated rate which will be more attractive to the higher risk
client. This leads to a raised probability of default ex ante.
Moral hazard – clients borrowing at a higher rate might be required to take more risk to
cover their borrowing costs leading to a higher probability of default afterwards.
The researcher claims that traditional ‘microfinance group lending methodology’ helps manage
adverse selection risk by using social capital and risk understanding within a community
to price risk. However, interest rate controls are most often found at the lower end of the
market where financial institutions use the information asymmetry to justify high lending
rates. In a non-competitive market, the lender likely holds the monopoly power to make excessive
profit without competition evening them out. The financial markets will segment so large
commercial banks service larger clients with larger loans at lower interest rates and microfinance
institutions charge higher rates of interest on a larger volume of low value loans. In
between, smaller commercial banks can find a niche serving medium to large enterprises.
Inevitably the missing middle, individuals and businesses will be unable to access credit
from either banks or MFIs. The researcher found it intuitive that basic
interest rate caps are most likely to bite at the lower end of the market, with interest
rates charged by microfinance institutions generally higher than those by banks and this
is driven by a higher cost of funds and higher relative overheads. Transaction costs make
larger loans relatively more cost effective for the financial institution.
If it costs a commercial bank $100 to make a credit decision on a $10,000 loan then it
will factor this 1% into the price of the loan. The cost of loan assessment does not
fall in proportion with the loan size and so if a loan of $1,000 still costs $30 to
assess, the cost which must be factored in rises to 3%. This cost pushes the higher rates
of lending on smaller loans. The higher prices are usually paid because the marginal product
of capital is higher for people with little or no access to it.
In implementing a cap, government is aiming to incentivise lenders to push out the supply
curve and increase access to credit while bringing down lending rates, assuming the
cap is set below the market equilibrium. If above then lenders will continue to lend as
before. The researcher thinks such thinking ignores
the actions of the banks and MFIs operating under asymmetric information. The imposition
of a maximum price of loans magnifies the problem of adverse selection as the consumer
surplus that it creates is a larger pool willing borrowers of unidentifiable creditworthiness.
Faced with this problem, he proposes lenders have three options:
– Increased lending, meaning lending to more bad clients and pushing up NPLs – Increased
investment in processing systems to better identify good clients, increasing overheads
– Increased investment in outreach to clients, identified as having good repayment potential,
increasing overheads All options increase costs and force the supply
curve back to the left, detrimental to financial outreach as the quantity of credit falls.
Unless financial service providers can absorb the cost increases while maintaining a profit,
they may ration credit to those that they can readily support at the prescribed interest
rate, refuse credit to other clients and the market moves.
The researcher asks if the story of interest rate caps leading to credit rationing is borne
out in reality? The use of interest rate caps
Though conceptually simple, there is much variation in the methodologies used by governments
to implement limits on lending rates. While some countries use a vanilla interest rate
cap written into all regulations for licensed financial institutions, others have attempted
a more flexible approach. The most simple interest rate control puts
an upper limit on any loans from formal institutions. This might simply say that no financial institution
may issue a loan at a rate greater than, say, 40% interest per annum, or 3% per month.
Rather than set a rigid interest rate limit, governments in many countries find it preferable
to discriminate between different types of loan and set individual caps based on the
client and type of loan. The logic for such a variable cap is that it can bite at various
levels of the market, minimising consumer surplus.
As a more flexible measure, the interest cap is often linked to the base rate set by the
central bank in setting monetary policy meaning the cap reacts in line with market conditions
rising with monetary tightening and falling with easing.
• This is the model used in Zambia, where banks are able to lend at nine percentage
points over the policy rate and microfinance lending is priced as a multiple of this.
• Elsewhere, governments have linked the lending rate to the deposit rate and regulated
the spread that banks and deposit taking MFIs can charge between borrowing and lending rates.
As some banks look to get around lending caps by increasing arrangement fees and other costs
to the borrower, governments have often tried to limit the total price of the loan. Other
governments have attempted to set different caps for different forms of lending instrument.
In South Africa, the National Credit Act identified eight sub-categories of loan, each with their
own prescribed maximum interest rate. Mortgages(RRx2.2)+5% per annum, Credit facilities(RRx2.2)+10%
per annum, Unsecured credit transactions+20% per annum,Developmental credit agreements
for the development of a small business,RRx2.2)+20% per annum Developmental credit agreements
for low income housing(RRx2.2)+20% per annum,Short term transactions, 5% per month, Other credit
agreements(RRx2.2)+10% per annum, Incidental credit agreements 2% per month.
The impact of interest caps Supply side
Financial outreach The researcher identified the major argument
used against the capping of interest rates as them distorting the market and preventing
financial institutions from offering loan products to those at the markets lower end
with no alternative credit access. This counters the financial outreach agenda prevalent in
many poor countries today. He claims the debate boils down to the prioritisation of cost of
credit over access to credit. He identifies a randomised experiment in Sri Lanka which
found the average real return to capital for microenterprises to be 5.7% per month, well
above the typical interest rate of between 2-3% that was provided by MFIs. Similarly,
the same authors found in Mexico that returns to capital were an estimated 20-33% per month,
up to five times higher than market interest rates.
His paper states that MFIs have historically been able to expand outreach rapidly by funding
network expansion with profits from existing borrowers, meaning existing clients are subsidising
outreach to new areas. Capping interest rates can hinder this as MFIs may remain profitable
in existing markets but cut investment in new markets and at extremes, government action
on interest rates can cause existing networks to retract. In Nicaragua, the governments
Microfinance Association Law in 2001 limited microloan interest to the average of rates
set by the banking system and attempted to legislate for widespread debt forgiveness.
In response to perceived persecution by government, a number of MFIs and commercial banks withdrew
from certain areas hindering the outreach of the financial sector.
The researcher articulates that there is also evidence to suggest capping lending rates
for licensed MFIs incentives, NGO-MFIs, and other finance sources for the poor to stay
outside of the regulatory system. In Bolivia, the imposition of a lending cap led to a notable
fall in the licensing of new entities, . Keeping lenders out of the system should be unattractive
to governments as it increases the potential for predatory lending and lack of consumer
protection. Price rises
The paper states there is evidence from developed markets that the imposition of price caps
could in fact increase the level of interest rates. The researcher came across a study
of payday loans in Colorado, the imposition of a price ceiling initially saw reduced interest
rates but over a longer period rates steadily rose towards the interest rate cap. This was
explained by implicit collusion, by which the price cap set a focal point so that lenders
knew that the extent of price rises would be limited and hence collusive behaviour had
a limited natural outcome. Demand side
Elasticity of demand The paper asserts that inherent in any argument
for an upper limit on interest rates is an assumption that demand for credit is price
inelastic. If the inverse were true, and that market demand was highly sensitive to small
rises in lending rates then there would be minimal reason for government or regulators
to intervene. The researcher showed that Karlan and Zinman
carried out a randomised control trial in South Africa to test the received wisdom that
the poor are relatively non-sensitive to interest rates. They found around lender’s standard
rates, elasticities of demand rose sharply meaning that even small increases in interest
rates lead to a significant fall in the credit demand. If the poor are indeed this responsive
to changes in the interest rate, then it suggests that the practice of unethical monetary loans
would not be commercially sustainable and hence there is little need for government
to cap interest rates. Borrower trends
The publication explains that the chain behind implementing an interest cap runs that the
cap will have an effect on the wider economy through its impact on consumer and business
activities and says the key question to be addressed by any cap is whether it bites and
therefore impacts borrower behaviour at the margin.
It gives the case study of South Africa where the National Credit Act was introduced in
2005 to protect consumers and to guard against reckless lending practices by financial institutions.
It was a variable cap that discriminated between eight types of lending instrument to ensure
the cap bit at different levels. Credit constraints and productivity
The researcher observed that an interest cap exacerbates the problem of adverse selection
as it restricts lenders’ ability to price discriminate and means that some enterprises
that might have received more expensive credit for riskier business ventures will not receive
funding. There has been some attempt to link this constraint in the availability of credit
to output. In Bangladesh, firms with access to credit were found to be more efficient
than firms with a credit constraint. The World Bank found credit constraints may reduce profit
margins buy up to 13.6% per year. Are interest rates too high?
The paper shows a detailed 2009 study by CGAP looked in detail at the four elements of loan
pricing for MFIs and attempted to measure whether the poor were indeed being exploited
by excessively high interest rates. Their data is interesting for international comparison,
but tell us relatively little about efficiency of individual companies and markets. However
they do provide some interesting and positive conclusions, for example, the ratio of operating
expenses to total loan portfolio declined from 15.6% in 2003 to 12.7% in 2006, a trend
likely to have been driven by the twin factors of competition and learning by doing.
The researcher mentions profitability as there is some evidence of MFIs generating very high
profits from microfinance clients. The most famous case was the IPO of Compartamos, a
Mexican microfinance organisation that generated millions of dollars in profit for its shareholders.
Compartamos had been accused of immoral money lending, charging clients annualised rates
in excess of 85%. The CGAP study found that the most profitable ten percent of MFIs globally
were making returns on equity in excess of 35%.
He proposes that while the international comparison is interesting, it also has practical implications.
It provides policymakers with a conceptual framework with which to assess the appropriateness
of intervention in credit markets. The question that policymakers must answer if they are
to justify interfering in the market and capping interest rates is whether excessive profits
or bloated overheads are pushing interest rates to a higher rate than their natural
level. This is a subjective regulatory question, and the aim of a policy framework should be
to ensure sufficient contestability to keep profits in check before the need for intervention
arises. Alternative methods of reducing interest rate
spreads He states that from an economic perspective,
input based solutions like interest rate caps or subsidies distort the market and hence
it would better to let the market determine the interest rate, and to support certain
desirable sectors through other means (such as output based aid. Indeed there are a number
of other methods available that can contribute to a reduction in interest rates.
In the short term, soft pressure can be an effective tool – as banks and MFIs need
licenses to operate, they are often receptive to influence from the central bank or regulatory
authority. However to truly bring down interest rates sustainably, governments need to build
a business and regulatory environment and support structures that encourage the supply
of financial services at lower cost and hence push the supply curve to the right.
Market structure The paper shows that the paradigm of classical
economics runs that competition between financial institutions should force them to compete
on the price of loans that they provide and hence bring down interest rates. Competitive
forces can certainly play a role in forces lenders to either improve efficiency in order
to bring down overheads, or to cut profit margins. In a survey of MFI managers in Latin
America and the Caribbean, competition was cited as the largest factor determining the
interest rate that they charged. The macro evidence supports this view – Latin countries
with the most competitive microfinance industries, such as Bolivia and Peru, generally have the
lowest interest rates. The corollary of this, and the orthodox view,
would seem to be that governments should license more financial institutions to promote competition
and drive down rates. However it is not certain that more players means greater competition.
Due to the nature of the financial sector, with high fixed costs and capital requirements,
smaller players might be forced to levy higher rates in order to remain profitable. Weak
businesses that are inefficiently run will not necessarily add value to an industry and
government support can often be misdirected to supporting bad businesses. Governments
should be willing to adapt and base policy on a thorough analysis of the market structure,
with the promotion of competition, and the removal of unnecessary barriers to entry such
as excessive red tape, as a goal. Market information
The evidence the researcher suggests that learning by doing is a key factor in building
up efficiency and hence lowering overheads and hence interest rates. Institutions with
a decent track record are better able to control costs and more efficient at evaluating loans
while a larger loan book will generate economies of scale. More established businesses should
also be able to renegotiate and source cheaper funds, again bringing down costs. In China,
the government supports the financial sector by setting a ceiling on deposits and a floor
on lending rates meaning that banks are able to sustain a minimum level of margin. Following
an international sample of MFIs, there is clear evidence from the Microfinance Information
Exchange that operating expenses fell as a proportion of gross loan portfolio as businesses
matured. The implication of this is that governments
would be better off addressing the cost structures of financial institutions to allow them to
remain commercially sustainable in the longer term. For example, government investment in
credit reference bureaus and collateral agencies decreases the costs of loan appraisal for
banks and MFIs. Supporting product innovation, for example through the use of a financial
sector challenge fund, can bring down the cost of outreach and government support for
research and advocacy can lead to the development of demand-led products and services. The FinMark
Trust is an example of donor funds supporting the development of research and analysis as
a tool for influencing policy. Demand side support
The researcher states that Government can help to push down interest rates by promoting
transparency and financial consumer protection. Investment in financial literacy can strengthen
the voice of the borrower and protect against possible exploitation. Forcing regulated financial
institutions to be transparent in their lending practices means that consumers are protected
from hidden costs. Government can publish and advertise lending rates of competing banks
to increase competition. Any demand side work is likely to have a long lead time to impact
but it is vital that even if the supply curve does shift to the right that the demand curve
follows it. Conclusion
The researcher concludes that there are situations when an interest rate cap may be a good policy
decision for governments. Where insufficient credit is being provided to a particular industry
that is of strategic importance to the economy, interest rate caps can be a short term solution.
While often used for political rather than economic purposes, they can help to kick start
a sector or incubate it from market forces for a period of time until it is commercially
sustainable without government support. They can also promote fairness – as long as a
cap is set at a high enough level to allow for profitable lending for efficient financial
institutions to SMEs, it can protect consumers from usury without significantly impacting
outreach. Additionally, financial outreach is not an end in itself and greater economic
and social impact might result from cheaper credit in certain sectors rather than greater
outreach. Where lenders are known to be very profitable then it might be possible to force
them to lend at lower rates in the knowledge that the costs can be absorbed into their
profit margins. Caps on interest rates also protect against usurious lending practices
and can be used to guard against the exploitation of vulnerable members of society.
However, he does say that although there are undoubtedly market failures in credit markets,
and government does have a role in managing these market failures, interest rate caps
are ultimately an inefficient way of reaching the goal of lower long term interest rates.
This is because they address the symptom, not the cause of financial market failures.
In order to bring down rates sustainably, it is likely that governments will need to
act more systemically, addressing issues in market information and market structure and
on the demand side and ultimately supporting a deeper level of financial sector reform.
Compare Interest rate swap
Notes References
Damiano Brigo, Fabio Mercurio. Interest Rate Models – Theory and Practice with Smile, Inflation
and Credit. Springer Verlag. ISBN 978-3-540-22149-4.  External links
Basic Fixed Income Derivative Hedging – Article on
Convexity Conundrums by Patrick Hagan Martingales and Measures: Black’s Model Dr.
Jacqueline Henn-Overbeck, University of Basel Bond Options, Caps and the Black Model Dr.
Milica Cudina, University of Texas at Austin Online Caplet And Floorlet Calculator Dr.
Shing Hing Man, Thomson Reuters Risk Management Introduction to Caps, Floors, Collars and

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